The protestant question

redflag32

well what do ye's make of this

THE PROTESTANT QUESTION: SOME REFLECTIONS

By Liam O'Ruairc

The majority of the Protestant population in the North of Ireland
consider themselves to be British and are deeply hostile to Irish
reunification and any threat to their position. The political
expression of this is unionism and loyalism.

1) Republican socialists are not sectarian and not nationalists. We do
not have a problem with people believing in the Protestant religion or
considering themselves to be British. Our movement does not tell the
Protestants, "You are not British, you are in fact Irish". We believe
that everyone in Ireland has the right to hold on to their own
identity, culture and perceived nationality. For example, there are
Chinese people in Ireland who consider themselves to be Chinese and
are holding on to their language and culture, the same with Polish or
Nigerian people, etc. So if the Protestant people in the North
consider themselves to be British and not Irish, our movement has no
problem with it.

2) There are lots of things in the British culture and history that
republican socialists can identify with, think for example of the
democratic tradition of the Levellers, the Chartists, etc. However one
of the objections our movement has is that many Protestants who
consider themselves to be British only hold on to one
aspect/expression of British identity: the monarchy, nostalgia for the
Empire, etc. Republican socialists would say that there are other ways
of being British, why don't they explore and appropriate for
themselves all the progressive British heritage?

3) Republican socialists distinguish the Protestant tradition from the
unionist and loyalist traditions which call for the British state to
rule the six counties. Our problem is with them. The unionist majority
in the North is not ethnic or religious but political in nature. There
is something circular in saying that partition is democratic because a
majority in the North desires it when partition creates that majority
in the first place!

4) The Protestants do not constitute a nation apart (they never
claimed it), they are either British or Irish, and in both cases
unionism constitutes a political minority. While Unionists are free to
hold whatever opinion they want, they do not have a right to frustrate
the wishes of the majority of the people in Britain (who favour
withdrawal from Ireland) and in Ireland (who support independence).

5) There is no such thing as a unilateral right to union. Those who
say that you can't force one million unionists into a united Ireland
are not disturbed at the idea of forty million people in the British
Isles being denied their wish to see the Britain leave Ireland! Those
who insist that there should be "unity by consent" don't seem to have
a problem with "partition by coercion".

6) Our problem with unionism and loyalism has thus nothing to do with
nationality (we have no problem with people considering themselves
British) or territory (we do not say one island means one state). Our
issue with unionism and loyalism is that they are essentially
anti-democratic in nature. What we are in conflict with is the
unionist veto.

7) Commentators have recently talked about "Protestant alienation".
From a republican point of view it is unfortunate how this crisis has
encouraged so few Protestants to question the relevance of unionism
and loyalism and explore progressive elements of their own Protestant
and British heritage (think of the whole Dissenter tradition for
instance) which provides alterative resources. The problem is that as
long as the British state guarantees that Northern Ireland will remain
part of the United Kingdom, the Protestant and unionist population
have no incentives to question and change their position. Unionist and
loyalist intransigence is proportional to the lack of resolve in
confronting it. That leaves republicans pessimistic about winning over
substantial sections of the Protestant population…

8 In the meantime, there is a deepening crisis in Protestant working
class areas in the North. Apart from poverty and unemployment,
Protestant working class communities suffer the daily brunt of
paramilitary oppression and gangsterism. Yet those in positions of
power and influence show little interest in their plight. The unionist
middle classes have turned their back on the Protestant working class,
preferring their golf courses in Bangor and Helen's Bay. This trend,
hastened by the flight of Protestant middle class children to
university in Scotland and England, is set to continue.

9) It has not been a priority of nationalist politicians to address
the growing alienation of the Protestant working class. In addition,
the British government is trying to give recognition, influence,
status and funding to the worst elements within loyalist
paramilitarism. That approach has underpinned paramilitary power and
helped create the current crisis within Protestant working class
communities.

10) Republican socialists can advance some proposals to manage the
decline of traditional communities of Protestant working class, and
enhance what is good and positive about those communities. Because it
should be emphasized that the IRSP believes that there are things that
are good and positive in Protestant working class areas. The IRSP
believes that the emancipation of the Protestant working class should
be the work of Protestant workers themselves. However, the problem is
that working class Protestant communities are characterised by a weak
political culture, and this has had a major effect on its ability to
develop outward and progressive looking policies capable of developing
their positive potential. We believe that there are two spheres of
Protestant civil society in which elements could emerge that could
provide this.

11) Within the working class, a rudimentary trade union solidarity
still remains, residue from the large scale Protestant working class
participation in the manufacturing industry prevalent in the building
of industrial Belfast -- linen, textiles, engineering and
shipbuilding. Every working class district had, until recently, many
men and women who were involved at shop steward or convenor level
within their union, and those organisation skills learnt in the unions
lent discipline to the Protestant community.

12) In most predominantly Protestant districts today, most of the
"social cement" is provided by, or within the sphere of influence of
churches. In many districts over the past twenty years, churches have
acted as intermediaries for government training schemes. The influence
of Protestant clergy in the resolution of community problems has been
noticeable. The Rev. Norman Hamilton, for instance, was to the fore in
helping Protestant paramilitarism to reconsider the wisdom of their
sectarian campaign at Holy Cross School in Ardoyne. Methodist minister
Rev. Gary Mason was paramount in influencing the recent removal of
intimidating wall graffiti across East Belfast. And the Rev. Roy Magee
has had a long-term role in negotiating the loyalist ceasefire. At
their best, the influences of church leaders and the labour movement
were seen in the development of the Northern Ireland Labour Party. At
its height, it had four Stormont MPs in the 1960s.

13) To prevent the worst effects caused by the decline of Protestant
working calls communities, the IRSP demands the development centrally
planned state services aimed at the people in need in the Protestant
community and that these be channelled through universally available
statutory services (e.g. statutory youth centres, reading and writing
schemes in neighbourhood libraries, etc.), established national
charitable bodies such as Citizens Advice Bureaux, Mencap, etc., or
via the two main civilising bodies in Protestant civil society, the
churches (church based influences, women's groups, sporting
associations, etc.) and the trade union movement. The IRSP believes
that as a general rule partnership with these should be encouraged
over schemes or programmes within the paramilitary sphere of
influence.

14) Republican socialists are not the only one to advocate such
policies. These were first proposed by Rathcoole Independent Labour
Councillor Mark Langhammer. He recognised that this was the priority.

15) "The step now required is to enable civil society within the
Protestant working class areas -- notably those responsible for
providing social and community services within the sphere of influence
of churches -- to be enabled to occupy a central position in the
public lives of their communities." This is necessary if Protestant
workers are to move forward in their own emancipation.

16) On their own side of the sectarian divide, republican socialists
should develop measures and do everything in their own power to combat
Catholic/nationalist manifestations of sectarianism.

biko

I see you also posted this in Politics, and rightly so. This forum is not for political discussion AFAIK. I'll respond there.

Johnny_the_fox

biko wrote:

I see you also posted this in Politics, and rightly so.

since the poster has posted in politics... there is no need for it here.

closed.